Liberal triumph in Romania as Nicuşor Dan wins Presidency

By Connor Petts

On the 18^{th of} May, liberal, pro-European candidate Nicușor Dan was elected as the next President of Romania, defeating far-right nationalist George Simion in a long-awaited conclusion to months of political turbulence. The election represents a small victory for liberals against the growing ideology of ultra-nationalism permeating European elections, while exemplifying the worrying normalisation of radical right-wing policies. 

The result is a welcome one for many Romanians following a period of political unrest after the initial vote held in November was annulled, predominantly due to concerns around foreign interference and misinformation campaigns on the social media platform TikTok. Călin Georgescu, an independent far-right candidate who was predicted in September to win just over 1% of the vote, unexpectedly led the first round with over two million votes. Mr Simion claimed that international political interference was the cause of the unexpected results, calling into question the security of Romania’s democracy. In light of evidence of thousands of cyberattacks on Romania on the first day of elections, and Mr Georgescu’s use of a TikTok campaign to unfairly influence election results, the election process was restarted in March. 

Even after the second election finally took place, Mr Dan’s victory was not straightforward and came as a surprise to many. Despite Mr Simion’s social media campaign and nationalist, anti-immigration rhetoric securing him a strong lead with 40.94% of the vote in the first round of elections, Mr Dan went on to top exit polls and achieved a narrow victory against his rival in the final round with 53.6% of votes to 46.4%. Voter turnout approached 65% as people sought to put an end to the prolonged electoral contest. However, political conflict was not completely resolved by the election. Mr Simion posted an official announcement on X on the 20^{th of} May calling for the May election to be annulled for the same reasons as the December election, claiming Romania’s democracy is being threatened by external interference in elections. This is by now a familiar tactic employed by right-wing populists aligned with Trumpism, who frequently use claims of fraud to undermine electoral legitimacy, claims which are often unsubstantiated but nevertheless provoke fear about the stability of democracy. 

What could this result signify for ultra-nationalism in Europe more broadly? Right-wing, anti-immigration movements across Europe have been surpassing the centre-right in popularity, as demonstrated in the UK by Reform UK’s recent success over the Conservative Party in local elections. This right-ward shift can also be seen in nations with histories of extreme nationalism. The Italian government is currently led by Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s far-right Brothers of Italy party. In Germany, the AfD (Alternative for Germany), a far-right nationalist party focused on harsh anti-immigration policies of mass deportation, was narrowly held off in the last election, the closest a German nationalist party has come to being elected since the Second World War. Austria’s far-right populist Freedom Party has also experienced an increase in public support, and right-wing Karol Nawrocki won Poland’s presidential election this month, on yet another campaign run in part on the promise of migration restrictions. 

The defeat of the AUR in Romania is a short-term victory over ultra-nationalism. But a win for liberal democracy is not necessarily a win for the left. The current political landscape in Europe appears to be moving further to the right, which risks leaving left-wing voters without a viable candidate to support. This should not only be a concern for left-wing voters, however. Centre-right parties are increasingly adopting hardline policies to regain the trust of traditional supporters who are being swayed by the more radical promises of more right-wing campaigners, shifting the entire political landscape further to the right. Collaboration with right-wing parties often benefits those parties more than those on the centre-right, yet we continue to see this pattern occurring across the continent. For Europe, the normalisation of ultra-nationalist values and policies could signify an opportunity for nationalism’s re-entry into the political foreground. Without a strong, organised left-wing alternative, the left risks fading out of mainstream politics and being replaced by a binary opposition between centre- and far-right, leaving European politics drifting indefinitely towards the right and away from the possibility of progressive change.

Image: Presedinte.md via Wikimedia Commons